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Things that Shit Golems and Ted Bundy Clones Just Don't Understand

POSTED BY: 6IXSTRINGJACK
UPDATED: Monday, July 20, 2026 06:46
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Sunday, July 19, 2026 10:48 PM

6IXSTRINGJACK


What Trump gained from two Supreme Court losses

The president maneuvered the justices into answering questions hardly anyone was asking.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2026/07/19/trump-supreme-court
-losses-had-upside-president
/


My first reaction to the Supreme Court’s blockbuster June decisions was that President Donald Trump overplayed his hand. He tried to fire a member of the Federal Reserve’s board of governors, prompting the court to declare, in Trump v. Cook, that the Fed is independent of presidential control. He tried to revoke citizenship for the children of certain immigrants, prompting the court to declare, in Trump v. Barbara, that birthright citizenship is enshrined in the Constitution. Perhaps if the president had been more restrained and incremental, he could have avoided such categorical defeats.

But look beyond the top-line of each ruling, and there’s reason to think Trump and his populist agenda are in a better position than they were before. In both cases, Trump unilaterally took aim at a long-settled practice: No president had fired a Fed governor before, and no meaningful political challenge to birthright citizenship existed.

While neither of his shots landed, they came surprisingly close. Only four justices joined Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr.’s majority opinion rebuking the president in each case. The rulings were sweeping, but the coalition behind them is narrow. Populists now have an opening, and maybe more determination, to keep up the fight on both fronts.

Start with Cook. As part of his campaign to pressure the Fed to lower interest rates, Trump said last year that he was firing Lisa Cook, a member of the Fed’s board appointed to a 14-year term in 2023 by President Joe Biden. Trump’s pretext was an allegation of mortgage fraud — which Cook denies and the government never proved — posted on social media by Bill Pulte, a political attack dog Trump made housing regulator.

By all appearances, the White House’s move was never going to fly at the Supreme Court. Lower courts blocked Cook’s firing, and when the Trump administration asked the justices last September to set those rulings aside while the case played out, the justices declined, with no noted dissents. The oral argument in January went well for Cook, with the Wall Street Journal observing that “not a single justice voiced sympathy for the arguments to remove the Fed governor.”

Yet the ruling, when it came down in June, was 5-4. The majority opinion said Trump needed to give Cook “notice and some opportunity to respond” before firing her, but offered only general guidance about what that might look like and what showing he would need to make. Trump said after the decision was announced that he would try again with a “perfect process.”

If the ruling had been unanimous or near-unanimous, the administration might have been deterred from going another round in court with Cook. But the 5-4 split means the Trump administration needs to peel off just one member of the majority (most likely Roberts or Brett M. Kavanaugh) if the case gets to the Supreme Court again.

Roberts’s Cook opinion also tried to distinguish Fed governors from other officials whom the chief justice maintains the president can fire for any reason. But the reasoning Roberts musters is strikingly cursory. He cites the existence of national banks early in U.S. history, but the Fed is a very different institution. The inescapable impression is that the justices spared the Fed from presidential control because of concerns about policy and economics more than constitutional law. That might be why the dissenters were more numerous than expected.

Weakly reasoned decisions upheld by a single vote are more vulnerable to political attack. The durability of Fed independence might depend on presidential forbearance — a weak reed in 21st-century American politics.

In the birthright citizenship case, Trump has less prospect of a do-over. Five justices said the Constitution requires birthright citizenship (with a sixth, Kavanaugh, saying the current immigration laws require birthright citizenship, but Congress could change them). That means that even Republican majorities in Congress couldn’t restrict the citizenship of immigrants’ children unless one or more justices on the Supreme Court is replaced.

But Trump’s executive order and the Supreme Court’s decision elevated and polarized the issue in a way that can only help the revisionists. Constitutional birthright citizenship was settled law, with only a handful of mostly marginal figures on the right questioning it. Trump prompted an explosion of scholarship showing that the conventional view of the 14th Amendment’s citizenship clause was at least open to competing interpretations.

The energy on the legal right is now with the Barbara dissenters. Judges who want a Republican president’s appointment to the Supreme Court will look for ways to signal their sympathy with the revisionist view, as some are already doing.

Roe v. Wade was overturned after decades of activism by the conservative base and discipline by its legal elite. Barbara is different; it’s a conservative decision in the sense that it entrenches an established understanding rather than devising a novel one (it’s also much more plausibly “originalist” than Roe). But today’s populist right isn’t wedded to what it sees as decaying political conventions.

Trump maneuvered the Supreme Court into answering questions hardly anyone was asking. In the process, he exposed the contradictions of Fed independence under the unitary executive theory that the conservative justices otherwise support, and he bolstered the viability of a once-radical interpretation of the 14th Amendment. The president’s shoot-first-ask-questions-later legal strategy, on display in Cook and Barbara, is very often self-defeating. Here he might have moved the realm of the possible his way.







Keep playing Checkers, boys.


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Monday, July 20, 2026 2:33 AM

JEWELSTAITEFAN


Quote:

Originally posted by 6ixStringJack:
What Trump gained from two Supreme Court losses

The president maneuvered the justices into answering questions hardly anyone was asking.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2026/07/19/trump-supreme-court
-losses-had-upside-president
/


My first reaction to the Supreme Court’s blockbuster June decisions was that President Donald Trump overplayed his hand. He tried to fire a member of the Federal Reserve’s board of governors, prompting the court to declare, in Trump v. Cook, that the Fed is independent of presidential control. He tried to revoke citizenship for the children of certain immigrants, prompting the court to declare, in Trump v. Barbara, that birthright citizenship is enshrined in the Constitution. Perhaps if the president had been more restrained and incremental, he could have avoided such categorical defeats.

But look beyond the top-line of each ruling, and there’s reason to think Trump and his populist agenda are in a better position than they were before. In both cases, Trump unilaterally took aim at a long-settled practice: No president had fired a Fed governor before, and no meaningful political challenge to birthright citizenship existed.

While neither of his shots landed, they came surprisingly close. Only four justices joined Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr.’s majority opinion rebuking the president in each case. The rulings were sweeping, but the coalition behind them is narrow. Populists now have an opening, and maybe more determination, to keep up the fight on both fronts.

Start with Cook. As part of his campaign to pressure the Fed to lower interest rates, Trump said last year that he was firing Lisa Cook, a member of the Fed’s board appointed to a 14-year term in 2023 by President Joe Biden. Trump’s pretext was an allegation of mortgage fraud — which Cook denies and the government never proved — posted on social media by Bill Pulte, a political attack dog Trump made housing regulator.

By all appearances, the White House’s move was never going to fly at the Supreme Court. Lower courts blocked Cook’s firing, and when the Trump administration asked the justices last September to set those rulings aside while the case played out, the justices declined, with no noted dissents. The oral argument in January went well for Cook, with the Wall Street Journal observing that “not a single justice voiced sympathy for the arguments to remove the Fed governor.”

Yet the ruling, when it came down in June, was 5-4. The majority opinion said Trump needed to give Cook “notice and some opportunity to respond” before firing her, but offered only general guidance about what that might look like and what showing he would need to make. Trump said after the decision was announced that he would try again with a “perfect process.”

If the ruling had been unanimous or near-unanimous, the administration might have been deterred from going another round in court with Cook. But the 5-4 split means the Trump administration needs to peel off just one member of the majority (most likely Roberts or Brett M. Kavanaugh) if the case gets to the Supreme Court again.

Roberts’s Cook opinion also tried to distinguish Fed governors from other officials whom the chief justice maintains the president can fire for any reason. But the reasoning Roberts musters is strikingly cursory. He cites the existence of national banks early in U.S. history, but the Fed is a very different institution. The inescapable impression is that the justices spared the Fed from presidential control because of concerns about policy and economics more than constitutional law. That might be why the dissenters were more numerous than expected.

Weakly reasoned decisions upheld by a single vote are more vulnerable to political attack. The durability of Fed independence might depend on presidential forbearance — a weak reed in 21st-century American politics.

In the birthright citizenship case, Trump has less prospect of a do-over. Five justices said the Constitution requires birthright citizenship (with a sixth, Kavanaugh, saying the current immigration laws require birthright citizenship, but Congress could change them). That means that even Republican majorities in Congress couldn’t restrict the citizenship of immigrants’ children unless one or more justices on the Supreme Court is replaced.

But Trump’s executive order and the Supreme Court’s decision elevated and polarized the issue in a way that can only help the revisionists. Constitutional birthright citizenship was settled law, with only a handful of mostly marginal figures on the right questioning it. Trump prompted an explosion of scholarship showing that the conventional view of the 14th Amendment’s citizenship clause was at least open to competing interpretations.

The energy on the legal right is now with the Barbara dissenters. Judges who want a Republican president’s appointment to the Supreme Court will look for ways to signal their sympathy with the revisionist view, as some are already doing.

Roe v. Wade was overturned after decades of activism by the conservative base and discipline by its legal elite. Barbara is different; it’s a conservative decision in the sense that it entrenches an established understanding rather than devising a novel one (it’s also much more plausibly “originalist” than Roe). But today’s populist right isn’t wedded to what it sees as decaying political conventions.

Trump maneuvered the Supreme Court into answering questions hardly anyone was asking. In the process, he exposed the contradictions of Fed independence under the unitary executive theory that the conservative justices otherwise support, and he bolstered the viability of a once-radical interpretation of the 14th Amendment. The president’s shoot-first-ask-questions-later legal strategy, on display in Cook and Barbara, is very often self-defeating. Here he might have moved the realm of the possible his way.







Keep playing Checkers, boys.

Somewhere in my head keeps floating the name of a band: Johnny and The Bimbo Quad.


For the Barbara Opinion,Roberts had to really jump thru some hoops, including fabricating some hoops, in order to join with the Quad of Bimbos. And he superficuially did.


So he created a new Law, and usurped the Constitution.

If we can get The SAVE Act, then the first honest election in at least 66 years will allow installation of hard Constitutionalists to outrule the Libtard wing of SCOTUS, including Roberts. As soon as Kagan or Sotomayor follow RBG.


Anyhow, the Opinion for Barbara was not immediately available on the web in easy form. I did see quotes from the dissenting Opinion of Clarence Thomas, which were far more fascinating and brilliant than the others. Reportedly the length of 93 pages, I now see that it follows the 10 pages of Kavanaugh opinion. Which followed 20 pages of Jackson mumblings. And the 26 pages ofThe Court.

www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/25pdf/25-365_4hdj.pdf

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Monday, July 20, 2026 4:29 AM

6IXSTRINGJACK


The talking IS the point.

Everybody is talking about it now.

And no Judgement is DEFINITIVE. Just as they said about Roe vs. Wade. I'm pretty sure that all went down before I was born and was just life for me, until it wasn't.


Did you read the part about how this could serve to make something pretty airtight regarding these issues if they're repackaged and sent back up the chain the "Right" way?

It is very much possible that the dissent on the court wasn't the "betrayal" that a lot of people just automatically assume it was, and that it's being sent back to the drawing board so it can be re-tuned until it does exactly what it needs to do without running afoul of the Constitution.


These are things that the Supreme Court for most of your life never really had to put a whole ton of thought into before.

But now we live in a world where Left-Wing terrorists will dox and invade the homes of supreme court justices and give them constant death threats. We have a Legacy Media that tells people everyday that the Supreme Court is compromised and doing Trump's bidding, and I don't doubt that there's at least 10% of Americans that believe all of this, and maybe even as many as 25% to 30%. I don't think it's really that high. But it could be.



What do you think would happen if something as big as illegal immigration and birthright citizenship actually made it to SCOTUS for the first time in history and the first draft passes through easily and the right goal was accomplished in the wrong way? Completely on party lines. While Donald Trump is President. After he nominated 3 of the 9 current justices, and those appointments were just after we blocked them from being able to get one of their own in at the end Obama's 2nd term?

With all of this other bullshit going on, just how long do you suppose that Democrats would wait to do every single thing in their power to reverse that on day one if and when they ever resume power again? Maybe just pack that court with Four More Wakanda Forever types who will see our Constitution torn to shreds and probably end up changing the law so non-US citizens could be voted in as President.



That above scenario cannot happen here.

This needs to be Ironclad. This needs to be completely Airtight.


I don't imagine we've come close to hearing the last of either of these issues over the next few years.

I think this is only the beginning.



Ted and Shit Golem get to keep playing checkers and celebrating their flag football wins, but the real men aren't playing children's games anymore.



Did you see the report about how much work ICE has been getting done every day now while the Shit Golems and Ted Bundy Clones are out there screaming about Iran and the Reflecting Pool or whatever dumb issue hardly anyone cares about every day?

They're reporting over 2,000 deportations DAILY now. And I don't barely even hear a single thing out of the Legacy Media about it too. That's huge.

Trump couldn't even ban people from 13 countries from flying here in a commercial jet 8 years ago without his character being assassinated for it, and almost everything he tried to do was immediately shut down.

None of that is happening today. Some brief setbacks here and there, but nothing of substance that is going to mean anything in the end. They still try to assinate his character every single day too, just as they've always done, but everyone is just tuning them out now and they're getting discouraged and bored and a great deal of them are giving up.

2,000+ people being deported every single day now and not a single word about another No Kangs protest.


And didn't another one of those stupid lefty assholes get their asses suicided by an ICE agent again last week or something? Nobody is ever going to forget Pretti and Good, but does anybody know the dead retard's name this time without Googling it first?

I bet anybody reading that question to themselves that's being honest with themselves is going to say no, except for maybe their mom.

Do you feel the winds of change blowing?

--------------------------------------------------

Those who dance always seem crazy to those who can't hear the music.

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Monday, July 20, 2026 6:46 AM

SECOND

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two


Quote:

Originally posted by 6ixStringJack:

Trump couldn't even ban people from 13 countries from flying here in a commercial jet 8 years ago without his character being assassinated for it, and almost everything he tried to do was immediately shut down.

None of that is happening today. Some brief setbacks here and there, but nothing of substance that is going to mean anything in the end. They still try to assinate his character every single day too, just as they've always done, but everyone is just tuning them out now and they're getting discouraged and bored and a great deal of them are giving up.

The Constitution does NOT forbid Trump from arresting judges who displease him. As soon as he realizes that, he will never stop winning in court.

But if Senators put him on trial for breaking an imaginary rule that Trump cannot arrest whomever he pleases, he can arrest the Senate. After that, Trump will never stop winning! So much winning that 6ix will get tired of winning.

The Joss Whedon script for Serenity, where Wash lives, is Serenity-190pages.pdf at https://www.mediafire.com/two

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